Demand on Modi – Impose President's Rule/Undertake Fast for Peace in Imphal?

 

Demand on Modi – Impose President's Rule/Undertake Fast for Peace in Imphal?

        The Manipur ethnic crisis – Meitei, Tangkhuls, Kukis, Paite’s etc (29 tribes) - is extraordinarily complex and dynamic.  The State is the real melting pot of tribes, religions, cultures and civilizations. Unless one understands its prehistoric, medieval and modern developments, one cannot appreciate the ongoing crisis eruption. An atmosphere of historic inherited distrust and hatred among them prevails.

               The root cause for the latest crisis eruption on 3 May 2023 is attributed to the High Court direction on 14 April on a writ petition by the Meitei Tribe Union, that the state government recommend Scheduled Tribe status for the valley-based Meitei community. The Kuki people viewed the move as being the target of the present state government's treatment of Indigenous land rights concerns.  Majority of the Kuki people are Christian. There have been evictions in Kuki communities as a result of efforts to survey forests, which were ostensibly made to stop the cultivation of poppies. This order caused the All Tribal Students' Union Manipur to organize mass rallies in all hills districts; and in one of these rallies, the demonstrators clashed with a group of people in a region bordering Bishnupur district followed by house burning. As of 4 July, 142 people have been killed in the violence, with more than 300 wounded, and approximately 54,488 displaced.

               Also, the Meitei Indigenous community also experienced a rise in insecurity as a result of the flood of refugees following the military coup in neighboring Myanmar in 2021. The people most impacted in both communities are women and children, even yet those in charge of the firearms, drugs, and politicians make the real decisions in the fight. To further a few people's agenda, the identities of various ethnic communities have been weaponized in the ongoing struggle.

According to several organisations, there have been accounts of partisan killings by security forces, as well as allegations of the police siding with the Meitei community.

Episodically viewed the current crisis resolution – impose Presidents rule by I.N.D.I.A opposition combine – is the common prescription that will also be drubbed as murder of democracy.   The usual initiatives to restore peace include: High powered Committee to uncover the root causes of violence; and form peace committees along with members of civil society.

Ethnocentrism, supra tribalism and supra regionalism are real and vexatious to resolve. If indigenous and undeveloped tribal communities want to protect and promote their distinctive uniqueness, it is but natural. The hill state of Manipur has a social and cultural history unique to its own. For years, this was the kingdom of the long standing Ningthouja dynasty assuming different names like Kangleipak and Meeteileipak. It saw bloodshed through history for clashes with the Shan dynasty, the Burmese, the Britishers and mentioned in stories of the Mahabharata as well.

The Meiteis primarily inhabit the plains or valleys. The hills are occupied by the Nagas and the Kukis. The origin of Manipuri's or Meitei is obscure. But, they too are Mongoloid descendants and belong to one of the 29 indigenous clans inhabiting the State. Historically, the Meitei simply designates one of the seven Kuki-Chin speaking clans. These tribes have many more sub tribes under them, which make the entire population of the state quite diverse.

The Kukis are a very widely spread tribe with presence in all North Eastern states except Arunachal, elsewhere known as Chin or Mizos. The Kuki sub tribes have more or less similar sounding dialects which make it easier for them to converse among themselves. The Kukis claim that the areas in which they are residing are their ancestral land and they had opened it for Zeliangrong Nagas to settle in return for taxes and tributes after they were driven out by the Sukte Poi and Lushai people of Chin Hills and present day Mizoram.

The Nagas in Manipur are specific to certain areas for certain tribes. For example, Ukhrul has the prominence of Tangkhul Nagas, Senapati has the Mao-Maram people and Tamenglong has a major Zeliangrong Naga population. The Naga sub tribes speak different dialects among themselves altogether.

The Nagas are of the opinion that Kukis have encroached upon Naga areas and much of the land inhabited by the Kukis is claimed as a part of the “Greater Nagalim.” The Naga insurgents consider the continued residence of Kukis in these areas as the prime obstacle to realizing their concept of Nagalim. The Nagas wish to annex part of Manipur and merge with a greater Nagaland or Nagalim, which is in conflict with Meitei insurgent demands for the integrity of their vision of an independent state.

The five-year-long feud between the Kukis and the Nagas ravaged the hills of Manipur in the 1990s. The clash between Tangkhul Nagas and Kukis has resulted in the torture of many Kukis in Kamjong and Chassad. The discord is associated with the land owning rights. Clashes erupted between the two villages of Chassad and Sampui which are primarily inhabited by the Kukis and the Tangkhul Nagas respectively. Large tracts of Jhum farms belonging to Chassad villagers were burnt down by unidentified miscreants. The Kukis retaliated by blocking the roads at the Sampui junction. Armed with lethal weapons, a group of Chassad villagers didn’t even allow the police personnel to perform their duties. They also burnt down a new petrol pump owned by Tangkhul Naga people. The NSCN-IM said this provoked the Nagas to attack the Chassad village and as a result of the subsequent clashes, 100 houses in Chassad were razed and 10 vehicles were burnt down. Section 144 was imposed and the internet shut down.

On September 13, 1993, Naga militants allegedly belonging to the NSCN (I & M) massacred around 115 Kuki civilians. The Kukis refer to the killings as the Joupi massacre after the village which saw the highest number of casualties. There are three monoliths inscribed with the names of 1,157 people who had allegedly been killed by Naga mercenaries during the ’90s.

Seilin Haokip, the spokesperson of the Kuki National Organisation, an umbrella body of 17 Kuki rebel groups, concurred. “The NSCN-I & M killed so many innocent unarmed Indian citizens, but the Indian government has done nothing about it,” said Haokip. “Shouldn’t the killers be made accountable?” The Kukis’ bitterness with the Indian state is all-pervasive. “If you can sit around a table with Nagas, why not us Kukis?” asked Gangte. “Why ignore us?”

Thus, as is evident, the Kuki-Naga strife is not a recent one and has its roots in the deep history of the state. The Kukis have alleged Nagaisation of Kukis by the Nagas. This they say is being undertaken primarily towards the Old Kukis who migrated earlier. These tribes are being forced to call themselves as sub tribes of the Nagas by coercion or persuasion. This age-old clash has always been for land. It is alleged that the Tangkhul Nagas have always led the fight using the NSCN in the forefront.

In brief, the root cause for the ongoing  rivalry between the Meiteis and the tribal’s, besides the Nagas and the Kukis is historic inheritance - a sociological phenomenon. There have been many tensions between the tribes and numerous clashes between Naga and Kukis, Meiteis and Muslims.

The Meitei insurgent groups seek independence from India.

The Kuki insurgent groups want a separate state for the Kukis to be carved out from the present state of Manipur. A Kuki homeland within the Constitution of India is the demand of Holkhomang Haokip, President of the premier Kuki organization “Kuki Inpi Manipur".

The root causes of the current crisis's escalation is inherited historic legacy, which is shrouded in mystery for the majority in mainland India. The 29 indigenous communities in Manipur are divided broadly under the Meitei (a Sanskritized Mongoloid group), Naga, Kuki and Chin with other buffer groups. Hostile environments conditioned their psyche to be fiercely independent, aggressive and adventurous.

In retrospect, there are five dimensions of Manipur crises: Naga insurgency from 1956; Meitei insurgency since 1965; the Naga-Kuki clashes in early 1990s; drugs, and the foreigner’s issue, particularly Rohingya Muslim influx. Initially, ethnocentrism feelings governed their outbreaks. Later, they assumed power-sharing overtones in all fields – supra tribalism. Foreigner’s issue and religious conflicts are later developments. Each one of them wants to safeguard their interests inherited historic-traditionally.

As per VIK Sarin "the youthful ideologues claim that Meitei are as Mongoloid as the Nagas and Mizo's."  On the politico-socio-economic fronts, preferential treatment was extended to tribals and growing inequalities alienated the people of the valley. It consolidated Meitei nationalism which, as per VIK Sarin reached a state “where the Hindu scriptures like Gita and Mahabharata were consigned to flames” at public meetings presided over by senior Cabinet Ministers.

In 1965, the Meiteis of the valley organised the United Liberation Front (UNLF) on the basis of "Pan Mongoloid" concept with the aim to drive out foreigners (Indians) and liberate Manipur and its neighbouring States from the Indian dominion. It forged links with Naga and Mizo insurgents and had even sought assistance from Pakistan.

In 1968, there was a split. A number of insurgent organization came into existence to include: 1978 - the People’s Revolutionary Party of Kangleipak (PREPAK);  January 1979 -  the People's Liberation Army (PLA); 1981 -The Revolutionary Government of Manipur and, the Kangleipak Communist Party (KCP), an offshoot of PREPAK. The KCP, the PREPAK and the UNLF (Ken) have formed a joint front known as Kanglei Yawol Kanba Lup   (KYKL). KYKL has been alleging sell-out by PLA to Nagas, which was aligned with NSCN-I & M. And, the UNDLF (MEGHEN) was aligned with the NSCN-K. Today, there are over 14 Meitie insurgent groups. And, opposing them are over 17 Kuki underground groups. Also, Zomi Revolutionary Volunteers (ZRV), Zomi Revolutionary Army (ZRA), Zomi Reunification Organisation (ZRO), and Hmar People's Convention (HPC). Add to them the NSCN I & M and the NSCN - K. To compound crises, the People's United Liberation Front, a Muslim militant organization, has emerged.  

Historically, the kingdom of Manipur emerged from obscurity as a neighbor and ally of the Shan kingdom of Pong in Myanmar. The first recorded invasions dates back to 1562 A.D., when Bayinnauing subdued Manipur and made it a tributary State. However, Manipur broke away after his death and declared independence. The history of Manipur contains nothing of special interest until about 1714 A.D. when a Naga named Pamheiba became the Raja of Manipur. He adopted Hinduism and took the name of Gharib Niwaz. He repulsed Myanmar forces in 1735 AD, and 1737 A.D. During 1739, he invaded Ava, but failed to defeat its garrison. It was during his reign that Vaishnavism spread in the valley and was declared the state religion. Dynastic inheritance struggles, treachery and intrigue were the bane of history of Manipur. Consequently, Myanmar interventions were frequent..

In 1824, in the First Anglo-Burmese war, Myanmar forces conquered Arakans and drove people as refugees into Bengal. Ultimately, the First Anglo-Burmese campaign came to an end when the joint forces of the British and Manipur occupied Yandabo, a town within 45 miles of Ava. The treaty of Yandabo was signed on 24th February 1826, which is a historic landmark in the NE. The Treaty was not explicit over the status of Manipur. The Rajah was neither subordinate to the Burmese or the British and remained independent despite the British agency. However, the British made the local ruler surrender the Kabaw Valley to Burma in 1833 and the tribal areas East of Patkoi range.

In all, the British conducted three Burmese Campaigns - 1824, 1852 and 1885. Under various agreements in 1835, 1838, 1851 and 1869, Manipur was given the responsibility to control all hill tracts west of the Patkoi range. Thus, the Naga inhabited areas of Tamenglong, Mao Merem, Ukhrul and Tengnopal were given to the State of Manipur to govern. It was only when the Manipur ruler revolted in 1891 that the British took over the control of Manipur and divided the state into three subdivisions corresponding to the ethnic sub-divisions and headed by an officer from the government of Assam.

Under the British subjugation, radical Meitei’s organised the "Meitei Marup" in 1930 to displace Vaishnavism and to revive the Meitei culture and the Manipuri script. The incident is historically a significant one. By 1945, its influence spread amongst people and the anti-Mayang (foreigner’s issue) movement started. It also mooted the idea of a "Pan Mongoloid" movement with the aim to create a sovereign nation state.

Under Manipur rulers, the Kukis had enjoyed patronage and raided Naga villages on a number of occasions. Kukis enjoyed British patronage in return for protection of their interests from Naga forays. Later, when the Kukis revolted against the policy of recruitment in 1917, the British separated the administration of Kuki areas from the plains.

Naga-Kuki-Paite Clashes

The Naga-Kuki clashes are historic-traditional in nature. They erupted in 1991. The NSCN-I & M demanded Kukis to pay "house and Nagaland tax". The Kukis backed by the Kuki National Army (KNA) refused to pay. It is a running feud to gain control of the strategic township of Moreh on the Indo-Burmese border. So, the Kukis built up their numerical strength by unifying all smaller tribes of the Kuki-Chin stock. The Myanmar-based Kuki National Army, which exerts considerable influence on its KNF counterpart, vowed to stop the violence, but asked the Paites to "accept the fact that they were Kukis and stop siding with the NSCN or face action". The ZRA had rejected the proposal.

The clashes have reached a fever pitch during the 1992-95 Naga-Kuki wars which many scholars have referred to as genocide and acts of ethnic cleansing. The Khallong and Taloulung massacres of 1993 bear witness to this. The most horrific among them is probably the Joupi massacre, when 88 Kukis were beheaded by the NSCN-IM.  Even by conservative reports, 537 Kukis and 247 Nagas have been killed and 463 injured in the clashes between Nagas and Kukis and over 5,723 houses reduced to ashes.

In 1994, the President's rule was imposed due to political instability 1994. As per former Governor of Manipur, Lt. Gen. (Retd) VK Nayyar, "the sudden spurt in violence between the Nagas and Kukis has little to do with insurgency, but due to the handiwork of politicians who did not want the installation of a popular Government". He believes that escalation of Naga-Kuki violence has its roots in Imphal and not in the hills. As per reports, the Nipamacha faction of Congress (I) exploited it to bring down the Keishing (Tangkhul) Cabinet.

               Next, the Kukis consider the Paites as their natural allies, being the sub-tribe of the Kuki-Chin stock. So, they considered Paites neutrality and refusal to pay taxes to finance the Kuki movement as betrayal. This distrust came into the open on 24 June 1997, when Kukis attacked Saikul village in Churachandpur district killing 10 Paites accusing them of harbouring the NSCN cadres. in one year the violent clashes between the Kukis and Paites claimed e 260 lives and left 4900 houses gutted.  Under the aegis of the goodwill mission of Mizoram, a truce agreement was signed between T Samuel Haokip, Defence Secretary, Kuki National Front, and JK Reuben, Zomi Revolutionary Army (ZRA) representing the Paites, on 7 July 1997, which barely lasted under 3 hours. Subsequently, a peace agreement was signed by the Kuki and  Paite tribal’s of Churachandpur district on 1 October 1998. It may be seen as a significant political achievement of the former Chief Minister, W. Nipamacha Singh.

Also, the NSCN alleged that the KNA is the creation of intelligence agencies and arms are being supplied to them to carry on the fight with the Nagas. As per latest reports, the KNA is training in Myanmar. Whereas, RK Ranbir Singh, Manipur Peoples Party, alleged that "it is in Rishang Keishing, a Tangkhul Naga and former Chief Minister, interested to let the Kukis fight among themselves for three reasons. One, it will divert the attention from the Congress election promise to create a Kuki-dominated Sadar Hill district. Two, the creation of the district would cost Keishing the support of NSCN and possibly jeopardise his political future. Three, the new district would form a wedge between Naga areas and create problems of unification of all Naga areas under Greater Nagaland.

Next, quite often, violence erupts on foreigner’s issue. It differs from the illegal Bangladeshi Muslims immigrants’ crisis in Assam. “Indian Bastards Go Home” written on the walls of Imphal amply illustrates the interpretation of ‘foreigner’s issue’. In November 1994, the Manipur Government signed an MOU with the All Manipur Students Union. It was agreed to take up the work of identification and detection of foreigners based on the electoral rolls of 1948 using January 26 as the cut-off date, the 1951 Census Report, the 1951 National Register of Citizens and the 1951 Village Directory. It implies the detection, disenfranchisement and deportation of all non-Manipuri settled in the State after independence. The spate of kidnappings and killings has sent shock waves among its residents. The most recent is the Rohingyas Muslim influx.

Finally, the Meiteis of the Valley, the Kukis, the Paites and others are always afraid that the Centre may concede to the demand for integration of the Naga inhabited areas with Nagaland to form “Greater Nagaland ''. In 1996, they had organized bandh’s and boycotted the visit of Deve Gowda, former Prime Minister. His announcement of Rs. 6,100 crores economic aid package, constitution of a separate cell and customary offer of talks were received with skepticism. They do not want balkanization of the State of Manipur. On 4 August 1997, the All Manipur United Clubs Organization held a protest rally attended by five lakhs of people in Imphal, when a section of the media reported that the Centre might agree to cede certain areas of Manipur. They had demanded a ‘categorical assurance’ from the Centre that Manipur’s territorial integrity would not be compromised as a result of a settlement with the NSCN (I & M). People were hurt over Gujral's silence over the issue and were not satisfied with his verbal assurance to an all-party delegation led by Rishang Keishing, former Chief Minister. Even the assurance given by the Centre failed to inspire confidence in them.

When the Central Government announced the extension of the ceasefire on 14 June 2001 for another one year, the violent reaction was on expected lines. On 15 June, 2001, 83 voluntary organizations gave a call for a 66 hour general strike. The All Manipur Students Union and three other organizations also gave a call for a 24-hour general strike to begin after midnight 17 June 2001. The strike paralyzed the State. In Imphal, angry mobs went on a rampage. The State Assembly building was set on fire. The Speaker was beaten up. Four other BJP MLAs, who were trapped inside, suffered 50 per cent injuries. When the crowds went to set fire to the Chief Minister's bungalow, the police opened fire. 13 people were killed.

The All Manipur United Clubs Organization announced a social boycott of the 63 MLAs for failing to resign from their seats as a mark of solidarity. The All Manipur Students Union threatened to drive all MLAs out of Manipur if they failed to resign. The Manipur Students Federation demanded an assurance from the NDA partners that they would get the ceasefire extension agreement revoked by 30 June 2001. 

In sum, violence continues at unprecedented levels in Manipur. By contrast with past crisis situations, the present one pales into significance. Quite often, an insignificant issue like the relocation of Assam Rifles Camp in Imphal assumes political overtones and plunges the capital into unmanageable strife. The complicity of politicians in abetting violence is well known. They oppose transfer of Naga inhabited areas of Ukhrul, Senapathi, Tamenglong and Mao Meren. Eruption of ethnic clashes between Nagas, Kukis and Paites depends on political temperatures in the State. Nagas oppose creation of a separate district for Kukis namely Sadar Hill District on the plea that they are a nomadic tribe. Even the Muslim fundamentalists are rallying to protect their interests. Finally, control over trade, mostly illegal, in Moreh - the gateway to Myanmar. In retrospect, the muddle of Manipur is real.

In hindsight, the resolution of the current crisis escalation, therefore, is most vexatious since it is not easy to satisfy Meitei, Nagas, Kukis, Paites and all other tribes with their contradictory aspirations. If there is bi-partisan consensus in the Parliament, President's Rule can be imposed. Modi must pay a visit to Manipur and interact with the warring factions. A La MK Gandhi, Modi may like to undertake "Fast for Peace" in Imphal. Compensation packages have to be announced. The Peace Committees may rebuild mutual trust and confidence.   Referendum appears a credible route to attempt. Its management needs to be handled with great political dexterity. In sum, there are no easy answers to resolve the historic distrust and hatred among the various sections of society manipulated by political leaders and insurgent groups.