Demand for Caste Census – Bogey or Fraud - by G B Reddy Sir

 



Demand for Caste Census – Bogey or Fraud - by G B Reddy Sir

By politicizing the “Caste Census” issue in pursuit of consolidating vote bank politics, Nitish Kumar, the JDUs Chief Minister of Bihar, has stirred the “Hornets Nest”. Not to be left behind, the Congress Party has joined “Caste Census” demand chorus. Now even the BJP has joined the chorus. In retrospect, all political parties are hell bent upon promoting, consolidating and advancing irreconcilable social divides contra UNITY so vital to ensure national security interests.

Proportional political representation is an imperative. But none of the political parties including   Nitish Kumar are advocating such a move. All of them are announcing additional reservation quotas pertaining to education and jobs.

Caste census must be followed by addressing all inadequacies in political, social and economic arenas. How political parties will counter numerous challenges to overcome in posterity is a million dollar question?   Merely demanding “Caste Census” by political parties is, therefore, a “Bogey” or the worst “Fraud” committed on “We the People” by all political parties.

Constitutional Imperatives  and Challenges

Let me briefly outline the key provisions in the Preamble of the Constitution – to provide to all its citizens Justice – social, economic and political; and equality of status and opportunity. The Constitution prohibits the State from discriminating against any citizen and guarantees equality of opportunity for all citizens. Articles 14, 15, 16 and 17 of the Constitution prescribe fundamental rights to equality. However Articles 15(1) and 16(1) (2) and Article 29(2) are contra Articles 15 (4) and Articles 29(2).

The Constitution has a special provision for the advancement of any socially and educationally backward classes of citizens or for the SCs and the STs, which are viewed as fundamental rights. Articles 38, 39, 41, 42, 45 and 46 are Directive Principles of State Policy pertaining to right to work and promotion of educational and economic interests of SCs, STs and other weaker sections. Articles 332 and 342 are Special Provisions relating to certain classes.

India’s Constitutional commitment is unequivocal and simple: to create an egalitarian society. It implies social revolution by re-engineering a tradition bound society. Yet, even after 75 years of freedom, India has failed to abnegate the caste system. The shift from caste-ridden to casteless society remains elusive. Several scholars feel that the logic of democratic politics based on adult franchise has brought caste to centre stage, instead of eliminating it from society. Factually, it has emerged stronger and vicious. Thus, the pursuit of social re-architecturing for the 21st century remains a prime strategic challenge before the nation.

Key Issue – Bihar Case Study

The key issue to address is caste wise political representation in the Parliament and the State Assembly proportionate to their population?

Real Status of Bihar’s Castes

Let me reiterate that the Bihar society envelopes a rigid caste system -  divided into Forward Castes, Other Backward Class (OBCs), Extremely Backward Caste (EBC), Schedule Caste (SC) and Schedule Tribes (ST). Nitish Kumar government has created the Mahadalit category among the SCs to identify more socio-economic backward groups among the SCs. As per the 2023 Caste Survey Report, Forward castes make up 15.52%, OBCs 27.12%, EBCs 36.01%, SCs 19.65%, and Adivasis 1.68%. The Muslims percentage is at 17.708%.

The Forward Caste category includes: four Hindu castes (Brahmin, Rajput, Bhumihar, and Kayastha) and three Muslim castes (Sheikh, Pathan, and Syed).  Brahmins constitute 3.6575%, Rajputs 3.4505%, Bhumihars 2.8693%, and Kayasthas 0.6011%.

The Yadav’s (14.2666%), Kushwaha (Koeri) 4.212%, Kurmi’s (2.8785%) and Bania’s (2.3155%) are categorised as the upper-backwards amongst the OBC group. 

In the reserved category, there are 196 castes divided into OBCs (30), EBC (112 castes), SCs (22) and STs (32). Amongst the OBC category, the Kushwahas, Koeri, Kurmi, Yadav, and Bania are categorized as the upper-backwards. The EBC category includes: Nai (1.56); Teli 2.8131%,  Mallah (Nishad) 2.6086%,  Kanu 2.2129%, and Dusadh, Dhari, and Dharahi castes (5.31%), Nonia 1.9112%, Musahar 3.0872%, and etc.

The population of SC category is 130.048 lakhs (100%) that includes 22 sub castes to include: Chamar, (including Ravidassia, Mochi) (31.34%); Paswan (30.88%); Musahar (16.19%); Pasi (5.54%); Dhobi (4.96%); Bhuiya (4.36%); Rajuar, (Rajwar) (1.64%);  Hela/Mehtar (1.39%); Domba, (including Chandala) (1.19%); Bantar (0.78%); Chaupal (0.77%); Nat (0.30%); Kurariyar-Kureel (0.05%), Dabgar (0.03%), Halalkhor, (including Bhangi, Valmiki) (0.03%), Pano (0.03%), Bauri (0.02%), Bhogta (0.10%); Turi (0.26%); Kanjar (0.01%); Lal Begi (<0.01%); and Ghasiya (<0.01%).

Political Representation

Let me reiterate that proportional political representation is most critical to achieve equality in all other fields. If proportional basis is invoked to guarantee “Equality”, then it must cover all fields: political, social and economic arenas. Political equality must preface all initiatives to promote and consolidate social and economic equality.

What is true status of political representation in Bihar? Of the total of 40 Lok Sabha MP seats, 6 are reserved for SCs. Out of remaining 34, there are seven Rajput MPs with 3.4505% population, making them grossly overrepresented.

In the State Assembly, there are 64 MLAs from Hindu Forward Castes. Among the Forward Castes, Rajputs had 28 legislators, which was grossly disproportionate to their population. With 52 out of 234 MLAs, Yadav caste has lion share in number of legislators in the Upper OBC caste in the State Assembly. There are 16 Baniyas,  20 Kushwahas, 12 Kurmis,  SCs 39, STs  2, and Muslims 24.

Telangana Status – Election 2023

Let me also present a caste wise list of candidates in Telangana of various political parties to highlight the fraud of “Caste Census” survey.

For example, the BRS caste wise list of the 115 candidates declared includes: 58 from Upper Castes (40 Reddys, 11 x Velamas, 3 Kammas, 3 Brahmins); 24 x OBCs; 20 x SCs; 12 x STs; and 3 Minorities.     

The Congress Party’s caste wise list of 100 candidates declared till date includes: 52 from Upper Castes (39 Reddys; 3 x Kammas; 3 x Brahmins; 7 x Velamas); 20 x OBCs; 25 x SCs and STs; and 3 x Muslims.

Also, the BJP caste wise list of 88 candidates (includes third list) includes 27 from upper castes (24 Reddys, One Brahmin, one Kamma, one Velama and one Brahmin), 32 from OBCs, 13 from SCs and nine from ST.

Understanding Modernization or Transformation Processes of Society

Understanding modernization or transformation processes of society is critical. By origin, caste governed socio-politico-economic order or dynamics of the Hindu society. None can deny that caste sanctified the basis of indignity, inequality and inequity. It dictated dynastic inheritance (Kshatriya alone could rule). It also dictated the ownership of property. However, in India we have not yet succeeded in destroying the privilege of birth; that is, the intellectual and moral advantage a man of good stock brings into the world with him. Caste system may continue to thrive for some more time in India due to the absurdity of religious sanction. Retrospectively viewed there is nothing dharmic (righteous) about caste legacy.

De facto, modernization or transformation processes of society are evolutionary and extraordinarily complex particularly in pluralist society. In today’s context, countries and societies are moving from traditional society to modernity and maturity through a combination of cultural change, political churning, technological innovation, and elite choice based on the realization that a growth-oriented economy and public welfare are the principal goals of governance. Thus, no caste, race or culture will remain struck in one natural state for eternity. Liberal democracy has fuelled caste consciousness and polarization. People are proudly rediscovering their primordial origins and their forgotten status of the past. No more, backward castes consider themselves as socially degrading. A newfound enthusiasm is sweeping the nation to retrace their primordial origins with a view to stake claims for Justice - politico-socio-economic and equality.

As decades pass by, changes are inevitable and imperative. Developing a coherent account of how India really progresses ahead will be one of this decade’s signature intellectual challenges.

Castes and Politics

Let me reiterate Gandhi’s oft-quoted statement: “politics and society cannot be divorced from each other”. By extrapolation, castes and politics cannot be divorced from each other in the Indian context. After all, castes constitute the building bricks of the great Indian society. Caste polarization governs vote bank politics. Of course, strategic realignment of political forces is taking place slowly, but steadily.  Since the national and regional political parties are under the control of leaders belonging to upper castes and classes, leaders belonging to backward and lower castes are breaking away from them and forming new political parties based on caste overtones. No wonder, all political parties are competing with each other to mobilize their strengths based on a complex web of caste and communal alliances.

Causes for Caste Conflicts – Challenges to Overcome

Inherited caste legacy is the root cause. Caste conflicts are the product of competing offensives to gain and consolidate politico-socio-economic ascendancy. A part of the violence is in defence of the past social order. Some believe that reservations and land distribution can restore balance and redress the situation. But, such initiatives have failed to achieve desired objectives.

There are others who attribute caste conflicts to psychological reasons due to ignorance on account of illiteracy. Lower castes are suffering from centuries old humiliation, isolation, insulation and stigma. They are in search of self-respect and human dignity. ‘Knowledge’ spread due to the information revolution provides them an opportunity to rediscover themselves. It can produce diametrically opposite reactions – positive and negative. Positive reactions can assist in promoting a high-breed social order, which is vital for promotion of a strong India. Its negative fallout is bound to result in escalation of violent conflicts between conservative upper castes, forward OBCs, EBCs, SCs and STs.

Ipso facto, the Constitution has kindled the passion for socio-politico-economic equality among OBC’s, SCs and STS. It has provoked high moral, constitutional and legal overtones. If everyone is demanding for their fair share, they are voicing expression to what is guaranteed in the Constitution. No wonder, castes are engaged in a vicious power struggle in democracy.

Information revolution is awakening people, which are stoking fires of deep-rooted animosity and militancy. It is contributing to strident polarization on rigid caste lines. Powerful latent forces are rallying to fight for fair and just interests denied to them over many centuries. Recently, its complexity has been further enlarged to encompass sub-caste and communal overtones:  Nai, Madiga, Mala and so on, in a newfound display of pride.

Thus, land reforms, education and employment reservation strategies alone cannot redress the complex caste situation. Every sub caste wants land for their landless; literacy for their illiterate; educational facilities for their own brood; and, jobs for their unemployed on the basis of proportional population representation and/or on poverty criterion. The latest is the demand for reservations in the private sector. Most importantly, if the political parties genuinely want “Equality” for all sections of society based on Caste Census data, they must start with allotment of nearly 50% to the OBC candidates in Parliament and State Assembly elections.

Caste Categorization – Historical Perspective

Let me briefly provide categorization of the Castes. By origin, there were only three castes among Hindus: Brahmins, Kshatriyas and Banias. Manu added “Shudras” to the list.

During the British colonial era, in 1871, the term ‘criminal tribes’ was used to provide rehabilitation for criminals. Later, the Montague-Chelmsford Reforms used the term ‘depressed classes’ to cover ‘OBC's, SC's and ST's’. In the Census of India 1931, the term ‘exterior castes’, which covered only the untouchable castes, replaced ‘depressed classes’. Aboriginals and Hill Tribes were grouped under the term ‘Primitive Tribes’. Subsequently, the Government of India Act 1935 revised the terminology. The term ‘SCs’ replaced ‘Depressed Classes’ and separate lists of SCs were notified for various Provinces. The term ‘Backward Tribes’ replaced ‘Primitive Tribes’. Both the SCs and STs gained the benefit of political representation in the Federal Legislature and Provincial Assemblies. After Independence, the term ‘STs’ replaced the term ‘Backward Tribes’ in the Constitution.

Past Anti-Caste Movements

In the past, there were many anti-caste movements to emancipate the lower castes. Buddhism was the first revolutionary movement, which attempted to build an egalitarian society. But, it failed to withstand the onslaught of reactionary Brahmanism. Later, a series of Bhakti movements, peaceful social revolutions, was championed by Saint-poets. They created new religious cults. Saint-poet Ravidas became the icon of Chamars in the North. Saint-poet Rohidas became the icon of Chambhars/Chamakars in Maharashtra. Saint Nandanar became the icon for his followers in Karnataka. Ghasidas, founder of the Satnamis in Chhattisgarh, became the icon for his followers in Chhattisgarh. Mirabai in Gujarat and Cokhamela in Maharashtra also emerged as the most revered personalities. But, all of them failed to promote the upliftment of the status of lower castes in society. Even Islam, Sikhism and Christianity offered scope for conversions and elevation to higher social status. Yet the caste system prevails even among them.

Overview

Viewed in the above processes, the class/caste/sub caste riddle is not easy to resolve.   Passing merely reservation laws in education and employment fields cannot address the emerging internal national security challenges. Such initiatives are the worst fraud. Proportional political representation is of utmost importance.

The rapidity of social changes has already upgraded some of the erstwhile backward castes into upper class category. The fluidity of shifts from OBC's, SC's and ST's to upper class is a continuing process. It is, therefore, an imperative to periodically review the status of OBC's, SC's and ST's. It is time to constitute a Commission to review denovo categorization of castes based on a set of terms of references taking into account the modernization processes during the past 75 years.

And, the end objective must be to promote and advance a casteless society in the 21st century.  A holistic approach is most critical. They need to be addressed on politico-socio-economic planes. Mere undertaking “Caste Census” on an All India basis is a cosmetic exercise in pursuit of vote bank politics.  A pre-emptive strategy based on a new social order can alone reduce the dangers arising out caste conflicts to national security. But, there is none in sight even on the horizon. 

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