Caste Census Bogey/Fraud
Before the State Assembly elections in November-December 2023, Rahul Ghandy and the Congress Party announced that it will undertake a caste census - “Jitni Abadi Jitni Haq” - to study the status of Backward Classes if voted to power in 2024. It is in the full knowledge of failure of caste engineering politics like KHAM (Kshatriya, Harijan, Adivasi, and Muslim) in Gujarat and AJGAR (Ahir, Jat, Gujjar) in Haryana.
In 2015, the Congress Party in Karnataka conducted the socio-economic and educational survey (caste census). But, till date the Caste Census Report 2015 appears to be collecting cobwebs. Powerful caste lobbies – Vokkaligas and Lingayats - within the party are at work ahead of the 2024 Lok Sabha elections building pressure on the government not to accept the 2015 report.
Congress president Mallikarjuna M. Kharge claimed, during a discussion in the Rajya Sabha on December 11, that Deputy Chief Minister of Karnataka, D K Shiva Kumar is opposed to publishing the 2015 Caste Census in Karnataka. The Chief Minister, Siddaramaiah, with eye on the 2024 Lok Sabha polls, and to leave his mark as a leader of the backward classes favors publishing the 2015 Caste Census Report. However, D K Shiva Kumar has later clarified: “I have not opposed caste census anywhere. I only want the caste census to be undertaken scientifically, and should be properly done.” However, the friction amongst the Congress leaders of the State’s two dominant communities – Congress Party’s Lingayat and Vokkaliga leaders - that stalled the publication of the caste census report cannot be wished away easily by Rahul Ghandy.
Most critical and sidelined issue is the relevance of “Caste Census” in the NE-Hill States where the tribal casteless societies based on “Tribal Clan” system are transforming into civilized status based on Christianity. Over the past 75-years, quite a few among them have reaped the benefits of political and economic power to transform themselves from Below Poverty Line (BPL) status to the middle class, rich and super rich status. ““Jitni Abadi Jitni Haq” will further divide and consolidate inter tribal hatred and animosity for the Angami, Ao and Sema tribes are way ahead Konyaks among others. So, an in depth study needs to be carried out separately to determine ways ahead for them.
Let me draw the attention of all alike to the Preamble of the Constitution “Justice – social, economic and political” and “Equality of Status and Opportunity. It is, therefore, imperative to ensure “Equality” in all fields (Political, Social, Economy and Technology). By merely addressing the issue by allocating reservation quotas pertaining to education and jobs for the OBCs does not promote and consolidate the “guarantee’ written in the Preamble of the Constitution – Justice: social, economic and political” and “Equality of Status and Opportunity”.
If political parties are genuine, they must first start with ensuring proportional political representation. Commonsense highlights that proportional political representation is the way for promoting, consolidating and advancing “real social equality”. Also, getting rid of “Caste System” is sine qua non for promoting “real social equality”. But, it is a Himalayan challenge to overcome. For the quote ‘caste like the proverbial cat has 9 lives” cannot be wished away. After all, even the caste system is followed in other religions – Islam, Christianity, Sikhism and many other reformative religious movements in India.
At the cost of repetition, “merely increasing reservations in the education and jobs fields does not promote and consolidate socio-economic equality. For they only cover a miniscule when considered from a “holistic point of view”. More importantly, Neo-Maharajahs are everywhere even among the OBCs, SCs and STs.
Pending the “Caste Census” on All-India basis to be carried in future, the Congress Party, if they are genuine, must select 33% for the EBC candidates in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections. Otherwise, the call for the “Caste Census” is merely a bogey or fraud.
Of course, the demand for “Caste Census” may be a very good vote earner, but it is an extraordinarily complex challenge to resolve. For example, Telangana has many varying “Caste” statistics available. One such data in public domain shows: OCs 21.50%; OBCs 51.08%; SC’s 17.50%; STs 9.91%; and Minorities 14.46%. And, there are 134 OBC sub castes that have been divided into 5 groups: BC-A caste list; BC-B caste list, BC-C caste list, BC-D caste list and BC-e caste list in Telangana. Also, there are 59 OC sub castes. Even in the SCs and STs, there are sub castes.
The caste list of Cabinet Ministers exposes caste wise disproportionate representation favoring the upper castes. The 12 Cabinet Ministers include: 4-Reddy’s; 1-Bramin; 1-Velama; 1-Kamma; 2-OBC; 2-SC; and 1-ST. And, there are 2 Women Ministers. Proportionally, BC's 51% have 4 Cabinet Ministers only which is grossly under represented. Even in the previous KCR-BRS Cabinet, the caste wise list of 18 Ministers includes: 6 Reddy’s; 4 Velamas; 1 Kamma; 4 OBCs; 1 SCs; 1 STs; and 1-Muslim. Over 60% of Ministers belong to Upper Castes.
Furthermore, the caste data of recently elected MLAs in Telangana includes: 43 Reddy’s; 13 Velamas; 4 Kammas; 1 Brahmin; 1 Vysya; 19 OBCs; 19 SCs; 12 STs; 7 Muslims: Total 119. Thus, there are 62 MLAs out of 119 upper castes (7 Upper Status Muslims excluded). Proportionally, BC's 51% have 19 OBC MLAs only which is grossly under-represented. Also, Munnur Kapus dominate the OBC MLA list with a few representatives from other castes, including Goud, Kurma Golla, Mudiraj, and Padmashali. Several castes were left out, which shows disproportion within the OBCs. As per data in public domain, it is the same disproportionate state of Cabinet Ministers and MLAs in the erstwhile state of Andhra Pradesh since 1985 and even earlier. In reality, all political parties are equally responsible for giving the tickets to Upper Castes on the basis of “Winnability”.
It clearly reflects the bogey/fraud of the caste census demand to fool gullible people and aimed at polarizing vote banks. Sans “Political Equality” at all levels addressed squarely, hope for realization of “Justice –Social, Economic and Political” cannot be promoted and consolidated in India Society.
If so, political reservations for OBCs on proportionate basis should be granted at all levels to include local bodies. It is high time for both the Central and State governments to follow the guidelines of the Supreme Court prior to enacting amendments to increase reservation from 10% to 27-30% to below the 50% reservation limit.
Be that as it may, at least 30% reservations at the Parliament and State Assembly levels for the Economically Backward Castes (EBC) must be enacted as the first step. Of course, 30% reservations for the “Women” must be ensured within the 30% reservation quota for the EBCs. Can the political parties sink their differences to enact such a “Realistic” option?
Surely, Rahul Ghandy and the Congress Party could show the ways ahead in Karnataka, Telangana and Himachal Pradesh where they are in power.
In the article ‘Time to end reservations’ in the Indian Express dated 11 December 2023, Tavleen Singh has thrown down the gauntlet and declared that all reservations should “go” in the full knowledge of attracting severe criticism. On expected lines, Aditi Narayani Paswan in an article on 14 December 2023 in reply wrote “Reservation is a tool that enables access to those for whom it has been long denied. Until discrimination persists, there is no question of withdrawing caste-based affirmative action. For scheduled castes and tribes and OBCs, once they step out of their communities, whether they managed to avail of the constitutional provision of reservation or not, their ascriptive identities bring along the tyranny of social and cultural isolation. Singled out as “quota kids”, we are subject to casual jabs about whether we are worthy of the spaces we are fighting to occupy, or if we are interlopers, unworthily occupying a “meritorious” space. This is the constant dehumanizing chatter that follows us. For millions of Indians like me, reservation is the oxygen which enables us to undertake our uphill journey from the peripheries of society towards the epicentre.”
In retrospect, the caste legacy is unique to India which is steeped in myth. Therefore, a casteless and classless society is a mirage in the Indian context. During the ancient era, it was alien to wandering tribal clans. During the pre-Vedic period, Indian society was divided between the Devas (direct descendants of Gods on earth) and the Asuras (representing evil forces on earth). The Rig Vedic hymn (Rig-Veda: 10.90) contained the earliest reference to ‘Chaturvarna’. It gave sanctity to the supremacy of the Brahmin. However, it provided for upward mobility for people born in lower castes on the basis of personal qualities, skills, achievements and experiences. Occupations and regions significantly influenced the growth of the caste system. The Jatis (castes) and the Upjatis (sub castes) are equally rigid social barriers and complex. In sum, the society was divided both vertically and horizontally.
Many centuries later, Manu formulated the present form of caste system based on occupations. It governed mankind’s transitions from tribal clans to civil society in India. An elaborate and subtle scheme of scripture, ritual and mythology forms its basis. It exercised its sway and hold over lower castes in bondage for ages - perpetuation of vested interests in modern parlance. None can fault Manu’s ingenuity over 3000 years ago. Now, its legacy is so deep that it exercises an overarching influence over even other religions.
As per customs and traditions, rulers belong to the Kshatriya caste, priestly and ministerial to the Brahmins caste, businessmen and farmers to the Vaishya caste and all others were grouped under the Shudra caste. Brahmins owned property, but were exempted from paying usual taxes. The King could not punish a Brahmin. He could only banish him. None could slay a Brahmin. The Brahmins arrogated themselves as custodians of higher knowledge, developed into a highly cultivated community with special flair for intellectual pursuits.
By conception, occupation formed the basis of caste - division of Labor. It also dictated the ownership of property. So, it sanctified the basis of indignity, inequality and inequity. Similarly, it dictated dynastic inheritance (Kshatriya alone could rule). By origin, caste governed socio-politico-economic order or dynamics of the Hindu society.
In the past, there were many anti-caste movements to emancipate the lower castes. Buddhism was the first revolutionary movement, which attempted to build an egalitarian society. Later, a series of Bhakti movements, peaceful social revolutions, was championed by Saint-poets. Saint Ravidas became the icon of Chamars in the North. Saint Rohidas became the icon of Chambhars/Chamakars in Maharashtra. Saint Nandanar became the icon for his followers in Karnataka. Ghasidas in Chattisgarh became the icon for his followers in Chattisgarh. Mirabai in Gujarat and Cokhamela in Maharashtra also emerged as the most revered personalities. But, all of them failed to promote the upliftment of the status of lower castes in society.
Even Islam, Sikhism and Christianity offered scope for conversions and elevation to higher social status. The appeal of universal brotherhood attracted too many to their fold, but failed to repeal their social ostracization. During the Muslim rule, the Brahmins retained their unique position. They controlled the levers of administration and provided the core around which the Muslim rulers built their administration. In sum, upper castes and lower castes confrontations have been historically endemic.
Let me also highlight that the caste terminology underwent frequent changes during British rule. In 1871, the term ‘criminal tribes’ was used to provide rehabilitation for criminals. Later, the Montague-Chelmsford Reforms used the term ‘depressed classes’ to cover ‘OBC's, SC's and ST's’. In the Census of India 1931, the term ‘exterior castes’, which covered only the untouchable castes, replaced ‘depressed classes’. Aboriginals and Hill Tribes were grouped under the term ‘Primitive Tribes’.
Subsequently, the Government of India Act 1935 revised the terminology. The term ‘SCs’ replaced ‘Depressed Classes’ and separate lists of SCs were notified for various Provinces. The term ‘Backward Tribes’ replaced ‘Primitive Tribes’. Both the SCs and STs gained the benefit of political representation in the Federal Legislature and Provincial Assemblies. During the freedom struggle, Gandhi strove tirelessly for the upliftment of the untouchable’s castes that he renamed as ‘Harijans”. Alongside, BR Ambedkar spearheaded a spirited offensive for equality of status and opportunity.
After Independence, the term ‘STs’ replaced the term ‘Backward Tribes’ in the Constitution. During the debate on the Constitution, the First Amendment Bill had highlighted that “backward classes are nothing but a collection of certain castes." Now, there is a distinction made among STs by categorizing them as ‘Frontier Tribes’ and ‘non-frontier tribes' or Adivasis’.
To sum up, the historic inherited legacy of the caste system cannot be wished away easily. Caste is divisive and exploitative. It inhibits a shared view of the world. Retrospectively viewed there is nothing dharmic (righteous) about caste legacy. The inherited legacy of “stigma” of Dalits is not so easy to wipe out. Factually, humiliation breeds contempt and hatred. The purpose of reservations for the OBCs in education and jobs, which is patently skewed to win elections, gets mercilessly exposed when viewed in the context of Rousseau's famous predilection that "all men are born equal, but found everywhere in chains". It constitutes a major threat to national security.
The class/caste/sub caste riddle is archaic when viewed in the context of national values and the emerging Technology Civilization based on pluralistic order. But, it cannot last forever in the face of social, economic and political developments sweeping mankind. Many erstwhile backward castes have moved to upper class category – Mallikarjuna M. Kharge, the Congress President – are the best example. Of course, the fluidity of shifts from OBC's, SC's and ST's to upper class is a continuing process. It is, therefore, an imperative to periodically review the status of OBC, SC's and ST's.
If political parties and leaders are keen to promote and consolidate the “guarantee’ written in the Preamble of the Constitution – Justice: social, economic and political” and “Equality of Status and Opportunity”, they must preface by addressing proportional political representation at all level from the Parliament to Panchayats. Alternatively, the preferred option may be to opt for “Economically Backward Classes” Census since all Castes without exception have “BPL” families among them.
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