Patel's Letter to Prime
Minister Jawaharlal Nehru
November 7, 1950
November 7, 1950
My Dear Jawaharlal,
Ever since my return from Ahmedabad and after
the cabinet meeting the same day, which I had to attend at practically 15
minutes notice and for which I regret, I was not able to read all the
papers, I have been anxiously thinking over the problem of Tibet and I thought
I should share with you what is passing through my mind.
I have carefully gone through the correspondence between the External Affairs Ministry and our Ambassador in Peking and through him the Chinese Government. I have tried to peruse this correspondence as favourably to our Ambassador and the Chinese Government as possible, but I regret to say that neither of them comes out well as a result of this study.
The Chinese Government
has tried to delude us by professions of peaceful intention. My own feeling is
that at a crucial period they manage to instill into our Ambassador a false
sense of confidence in their so-called desire to settle the Tibetan problem by
peaceful means. There can be no doubt that during the period covered by this
correspondence, the Chinese must have been concentrating for an onslaught on
Tibet. The final action of the Chinese, in my judgment, is little short of
perfidy. The tragedy of it is that the Tibetans put faith in us; they choose to
be guided by us, and we have been unable to get them out of the meshes of
Chinese diplomacy or Chinese malevolence.
From the latest
position, it appears that we shall not be able to rescue the Dalai Lama. Our
Ambassador has been at great pains to find an explanation or justification for
Chinese policy and actions. As the External Affairs Ministry remarked in one of
their telegrams, there was a lack of firmness and unnecessary apology in one or
two representations that he made to the Chinese Government on our behalf. It is
impossible to imagine any sensible person believing in the so-called threat to
China from Anglo-American machinations in Tibet. Therefore, if the Chinese put
faith in this, they must have distrusted us so completely as to have taken us
as tools or stooges of Anglo-American diplomacy or strategy. This feeling, if
genuinely entertained by the Chinese in spite of your direct approaches to
them, indicates that even though we regard ourselves as friends of China, the
Chinese do not regard us as their friends.
With the Communist
mentality of “whoever is not with them, is against them,” this is a significant
pointer, of which we have to take due note. During the last several months,
outside the Russian camp, we have practically been alone in championing the
cause of Chinese entry into UN and in securing from the Americans assurances on
the question of Formosa. We have done everything we could to assuage Chinese
feelings, to allay its apprehensions and to defend its legitimate claims in our
discussions and correspondence with America and Britain and in the UN. In spite
of this, China is not convinced about our disinterestedness; it continues to
regard us with suspicion and the whole psychology is one, at least outwardly,
of skepticism perhaps mixed with a little hostility.
I doubt if we can go
any further that we have done already to convince China of our good intentions,
friendliness and goodwill. In Peking, we have an Ambassador who is eminently
suitable for putting across the friendly point of view. Even he seems to have
failed to convert the Chinese. Their last telegram to us is an act of gross
discourtesy not only in the summary way it disposes of our protest against the
entry of Chinese forces into Tibet but also in the wild insinuation that our
attitude is determined by foreign influences. It looks as though it is not a
friend speaking in that language, but a potential
enemy.
In the background of this, we have to consider what new situation now faces us as a result of the disappearance of Tibet, as we knew it, and the expansion of China almost up to our gates.
In the background of this, we have to consider what new situation now faces us as a result of the disappearance of Tibet, as we knew it, and the expansion of China almost up to our gates.
Throughout history we
have seldom been worried about our north-east frontier. The Himalayas have been
regarded as an impenetrable barrier against any threat from the north. We had
friendly Tibet which gave us no trouble. The Chinese were divided. They had
their own domestic problems and never bothered us about frontiers. In 1914, we
entered into a convention with Tibet which was not endorsed by the Chinese. We
seem to have regarded Tibetan autonomy as extending to independent treaty
relationship. Presumably, all that we required was Chinese counter-signature.
The Chinese interpretation of suzerainty seems to be different. We can,
therefore, safely assume that very soon they will disown all the stipulations
which Tibet has entered into with us in the past. That throws into the melting
pot all frontier and commercial settlements with Tibet on which we have been
functioning and acting during the last half a century.
China is no longer
divided. It is united and strong. All along the Himalayas in the north and
north-east, we have on our side of the frontier a population ethnologically and
culturally not different from Tibetans and Mongoloids. The undefined state of
the frontier and the existence on our side of a population with its affinities
to the Tibetans or Chinese have all the elements of the potential trouble
between China and ourselves. Recent and bitter history also tells us that
communism is no shield against imperialism and that the communist are as good
or as bad imperialist as any other.
Chinese ambitions in
this respect not only covered the Himalayan slopes on our side but also include
the important part of Assam. They have their ambitions in Burma also. Burma has
the added difficulty that it has no McMahon line round which to build up even the
semblance of an agreement. Chinese irredentism and communist imperialism are
different from the expansionism or imperialism of the western powers. The
former has a cloak of ideology which makes it ten times more dangerous. In the
guise of ideological expansion lie concealed racial, national or historical
claims. The danger from the north and north-east, therefore, becomes both
communist and imperialist. While our western and non-western threat to security
is still as prominent as before, a new threat has developed from the north and
north-east. Thus, for the first time, after centuries, India’s defence has to
concentrate itself on two fronts simultaneously. Our defence measures have so far been based on the calculations
of superiority over Pakistan. In our
calculations we shall now have to reckon with communist China in the north and
in the north-east, a communist China which has definite ambitions and aims and
which does not, in any way, seem friendly disposed towards us.
Let us also consider the political conditions on this potentially troublesome frontier. Our northern and north-eastern approaches consist of Nepal, Bhutan, Sikkim, the Darjeeling (area) and tribal areas in Assam. From the point of view of communication, there are weak spots. Continuous defensive lines do not exist. There is almost an unlimited scope for infiltration. Police protection is limited to a very small number of passes. There, too, our outposts do not seem to be fully manned. The contact of these areas with us is by no means close and intimate. The people inhabiting these portions have no established loyalty or devotion to India even the Darjeeling and Kalimpong areas are not free from pro-Mongoloid prejudices. During the last three years we have not been able to make any appreciable approaches to the Nagas and other hill tribes in Assam. European missionaries and other visitors had been in touch with them, but their influence was in no way friendly to India/Indians.
Let us also consider the political conditions on this potentially troublesome frontier. Our northern and north-eastern approaches consist of Nepal, Bhutan, Sikkim, the Darjeeling (area) and tribal areas in Assam. From the point of view of communication, there are weak spots. Continuous defensive lines do not exist. There is almost an unlimited scope for infiltration. Police protection is limited to a very small number of passes. There, too, our outposts do not seem to be fully manned. The contact of these areas with us is by no means close and intimate. The people inhabiting these portions have no established loyalty or devotion to India even the Darjeeling and Kalimpong areas are not free from pro-Mongoloid prejudices. During the last three years we have not been able to make any appreciable approaches to the Nagas and other hill tribes in Assam. European missionaries and other visitors had been in touch with them, but their influence was in no way friendly to India/Indians.
In Sikkim, there was
political ferment some time ago. It is quite possible that discontent is
smoldering there. Bhutan is comparatively quiet, but its affinity with Tibetans
would be a handicap. Nepal has a weak
oligarchic regime based almost entirely on force; it is in conflict with a
turbulent element of the population as well as with enlightened ideas of modern
age. In these
circumstances, to make people alive to the new danger or to make them
defensively strong is a very difficult task indeed and that difficulty can be
got over only by enlightened firmness, strength and a clear line of
policy.
I am sure the Chinese
and their source of inspiration, Soviet Union would not miss any opportunity of
exploiting these weak spots, partly in support of their ideology and partly in
support of their ambitions. In my judgment, the situation is one which we
cannot afford either to be complacent or to be vacillating. We must have a
clear idea of what we wish to achieve and also of the methods by which we
should achieve it. Any faltering or lack of decisiveness in formulating our
objectives or in pursuing our policies to attain those objectives is bound to
weaken us and increase the threats which are so evident.
Side by side, with these external dangers, we shall now have to face serious internal problems as well. I have already asked (HVR) Iyengar to send to the EA Ministry a copy of the Intelligence Bureau’s appreciation of these matters. Hitherto, the Communist party of India has found some difficulty in contacting communists abroad, or in getting supplies of arms, literature, etc., from them. They had to contend with the difficult Burmese and Pakistan frontiers on the east with the long seaboard. They shall now have a comparatively easy means of access to Chinese communists and through them to other foreign communists. Infiltration of spies, fifth columnists and communists would now be easier. Instead of having to deal with isolated communist pockets and Telengana and Warangal we may have to deal with communist threats to our security along our northern and north-eastern frontiers, where, for supplies of arms and ammunition, they can safely depend on communist arsenals in China.
The whole situation
thus raises a number of problems on which we must come to early decision so
that we can, as I said earlier, formulate the objectives of our policy and
decide the method by which those objectives are to be attained. It is also
clear that the action will have to be fairly comprehensive, involving not only
our defence strategy and state of preparations but also problem of internal
security to deal with which we have not a moment to lose. We shall also have to
deal with administrative and political problems in the weak spots along the
frontier to which I have already referred.
It is of course, impossible to be exhaustive in setting out all these problems. I am, however, giving below some of the problems which in my opinion, require early solution and round which we have to build our administrative or military policies and measures to implement them.
It is of course, impossible to be exhaustive in setting out all these problems. I am, however, giving below some of the problems which in my opinion, require early solution and round which we have to build our administrative or military policies and measures to implement them.
(a) A military and intelligence appreciation of the Chinese threat to India both on the frontier and internal security.
(b) An examination of military position and such re disposition of our forces as might be necessary, particularly with the idea of guarding important routes or areas which are likely to be the subject of dispute.
(c) An appraisement of strength of our forces and, if necessary, reconsideration of our retrenchment plans to the Army in the light of the new threat. A long-term consideration of our defence needs. My own feeling is that, unless we assure our supplies of arms, ammunition and armour, we should be making a defence position perpetually weak and we would not be able to stand up to the double threat of difficulties both from the west and north and north-east.
(d) The question of Chinese entry into UN. In view of rebuff which China has given us and the method which it has followed in dealing with Tibet, I am doubtful whether we can advocate its claims any longer. There would probably be a threat in the UN virtually to outlaw China in view of its active participation in the Korean War. We must determine our attitude on this question also.
(e) The political and administrative steps which we should take to strengthen our northern and north-eastern frontier. This would include whole of border, i.e., Nepal, Bhutan, Sikkim, Darjeeling and tribal territory of Assam.
(f) Measures of internal security in the border areas as well as the states flanking those areas such as U.P., Bihar, Bengal and Assam.
(g) Improvement of our communication, road, rail, air and wireless, in these areas and with the frontier outposts.
(h) The future of our mission at Lhasa and the trading post of Gyangtse and Yatung and the forces which we have in operation in Tibet to guard the trade routes.
(i) The policies in regards to McMahon line.
These are some of the questions which occur to my mind. It is possible that a consideration of these matters may lead us into wider question of our relationship with China, Russia, America, Britain and Burma. This, however would be of a general nature, though some might be basically very important, i.e., we might have to consider whether we should not enter into closer association with Burma in order to strengthen the latter in its dealings with China. I do not rule out the possibility that, before applying pressure on us, China might apply pressure on Burma. With Burma, the frontier is entirely undefined and the Chinese territorial claims are more substantial. In its present position, Burma might offer an easier problem to China, and, therefore, might claim its first attention.
I suggest that we meet early to have a general discussion on these problems and decide on such steps as we might think to be immediately necessary and direct, quick examination of other problems with a view to taking early measure to deal with them.
Yours,
Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel
Signature
Warning to Nehru by Patel of Chinese malafide
intentions. Went un-heeded.
By Gb Reddy Sir gundreddi5@gmail.com
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